However, studies by the Fundación Nacional para el Desarrollo (FUNDE) show that economic concentration remains extreme. Many of the original family names have simply evolved into modern holding groups: (Poma family), Grupo de Sola , Grupo Agrisal , Grupo Cuscatlán , and Banco Agrícola (once controlled by the Dueñas family). They own the malls, the banks, the poultry farms, the beverage distributors, and the media outlets.
A 2021 investigation by El Faro found that just five business groups—most with roots in the original 14—control over 40% of El Salvador’s non-financial corporate assets. Historians caution that “the 14 families” is more of a political shorthand than a precise census. The number 14 likely comes from the 14 departments of El Salvador, symbolizing nationwide control. Different historians name different lineages. Some argue it was actually 20 or 30 families who married into a core of 5 or 6. 14 families of el salvador
For many Salvadorans, the names on the list may have changed, but the structure has not. The same last names still appear on the boards of the country’s most powerful corporations. The same neighborhoods produce nearly every finance minister. And the same fear of land reform—first forged in 1932—still haunts political debate. However, studies by the Fundación Nacional para el
But the phrase’s power is not in its arithmetic. It’s in what it represents: , where birth determined access to capital, justice, and dignity. Bukele and the Oligarchy: A New Chapter? President Nayib Bukele (2019–present) has openly mocked the 14 families, calling them “the traditional corrupt elite” and “the ones who looted the country.” His populist rhetoric resonates with a generation that grew up on stories of oligarchic abuse. A 2021 investigation by El Faro found that
Meanwhile, critics argue that Bukele has simply replaced one concentration of power with another: his own family and loyal military officers now control key state contracts. The legend of the 14 families endures because economic inequality in El Salvador remains staggering. According to World Bank data, the richest 10% of Salvadorans earn nearly 40% of the country’s income, while the poorest 40% earn less than 12%.
Yet Bukele himself has courted many of the same business groups, and his administration has not pursued serious antitrust or land reform. Some of the 14 families’ descendants have quietly adapted, diversifying into logistics, energy, and even crypto services—while maintaining their seats on private club boards in San Benito and Santa Elena.